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PORTUGUESE DECOLONISATION:
THE HOMEWARDS (2)

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The instability situation one lived in Portugal, mostly caused by the political and social predominance of the Communist Party, caused a surge of nationalizations and collectivisations, besides the factories, fields and street's demonstrations which led the country close to a civil war. By itself the internal division of the Portuguese society was a sufficient problem to the Portuguese rulers, especially when it became an issue at the international forum inserted in the Eastern/ Western conflict. Portuguese governors, abruptly or unwisely, gave the independence immediately without assuring the rights of the state or its citizens conveniently. In fact, very early the Armed Forces refused to maintain a defence position in the colonies, pressing the powers in Portugal to a unilateral ceasefire at the same time supporting the independence movements to create political and military structures.

With the independence and the lack of security one lived in the ex-colonies, which reflected on a environment of uneasiness to the Portuguese who lived there, thousands of people, without means, white but also black, Indians and other races "returned" to Portugal.

Even today we don't know for sure the amount of Portuguese that, broken the colonial empire, returned from Africa. Some statistics refer to eight hundred thousands, others to a million of homewards returning to Portugal in about two years (1974/1975) running away especially from Africa, in air bridges organized by the Portuguese State. From Angola, for instance from June 1975 to November 1976, 173.982 homewards were transported in 905 flights of the air bridge Luanda-Lisbon.

This exodus had great impact on the Portuguese economic and social slopes. There aren't deep studies concerning this subject yet. However, data gathered by non-governmental organizations, which worked with the homewards, present a series of interesting numbers although incomplete:

  • About 500 thousand dislodged, corresponding to 150 thousand families, were officially assisted by the state services. Most had no housing of their own and 71.568 were lodged by the state;

  • In 1977, about 110 thousand actives were unemployed;

  • The national medium percentage between the resident population and the dislodged population reached the 6%.

The Portuguese government, internationally supported to face this exodus, launched several programs to minimize the impact, namely through the creation of job vacancies, integration and lodging. In spite of a great financial and logistical effort, the programs had a very limited impact. To worsen the situation, the homewards were never indemnified by the Portuguese state concerning the goods they possessed in the colonies and that had been nationalized, unlike what happened with the decolonisation process of the other colonial powers. Thus the homewards were a human bulk with few financial investment capacity that would allow them to begin their lives again.

Surprisingly and against all expectations, the homewards' social integration was a unique absorbing phenomenon. To the initial suspicion and some reserve with which they were received, would follow mutual acceptance and sociability. The ones who recovered from the emotional shock and outdid the initial difficulties stood up and remade their lives. They dispersed in small groups all over the country and in small occupations on every sector. With the help of institutions, of subsidies, loans, family and friends' support, and with their enterprising spirit, started to settle and to transform the places where they did so, which was a key factor that permitted the country to leave the lethargy it lived in.

The homewards flux peopled less populated areas of the country and rejuvenated the Portuguese nation. On the other hand, since a considerable portion was a civil servant it had some academic skills, this originated a general increase of skilled labour in some sectors, as well as its occupation of qualified services. Their example of work and initiative soon granted them respect and admiration.

Established in the commerce, in the industry, in the farming, in the services, in the autarchies, in the parties, in the arts, in the press and the government, they became important references.

However, not everything went well and, with some surprise, "the ones who suffered more problems were the homewards of second generation", according to the conclusion of psychiatric studies: "the parents were able to remake their lives, to find and become interested in new activities. But their sons suffered from inadaptability, suffered serious psychological problems". In a way many homewards still keep a profound memory of their origin places.

Today, almost thirty years later, the marks from Africa are well visible I Portugal. In fact, the African markets repeat themselves in Lisbon's periphery, the African dances agitate the suburban Sunday balls and cheer up the night in crowded African discotheques, the barbecue restaurants smoke all over the country, exotic tastes became common in the national gastronomy and African, Chinese and Indian restaurants established a bit everywhere; the imaginary enlarged opening new frontiers to creativity, the hunting, adventure, magic and abundance stories dazzle the country.

Nowadays, Portugal and the Portuguese are fascinated by Africa, not only by its stories and pleasant touristic destinies, but also by the (re)discover of new cultures and myths, especially to the ones which in the literature, in the arts, in the thought, in the commerce, in the politics, in the press, live it. A new generation of artists, writers, cinema directors and musicians opens up to new influences mixing cultures, sounds, influences and sharing experiences.

After the enclosure of the empire cycle, the returning became so important as it was five centuries ago the leaving, in what will be for sure the most significant phenomenon of Portugal's history after the Discoveries.

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